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Democracy Newsline Newspaper > News > News > Analysis: APC’s Internal Crisis and the Future of Kano Politics Ahead of 2027.
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Analysis: APC’s Internal Crisis and the Future of Kano Politics Ahead of 2027.

Democracy Newsline
Last updated: 2026/08/13 at 9:33 PM
Democracy Newsline 1 hour ago
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Analysis: APC’s Internal Crisis and the Future of Kano Politics Ahead of 2027.

By Bala Salihu Dawakin Kudu Democracy Newsline Northern Bureau Chief
August 13th, 2026.

Kano State politics is entering a new and consequential phase ahead of the 2027 general elections. The political landscape was significantly altered in January 2026 when Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf formally left the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) and joined the All Progressives Congress (APC), taking with him a substantial political structure, including members of the State House of Assembly and other political allies.

The governor presented the decision as one taken in the interest of Kano State, arguing that alignment with the federal ruling party could improve cooperation, development and political stability.
But while the defection has considerably strengthened the APC numerically, numbers alone do not guarantee political cohesion.

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The central question now is whether Governor Yusuf can transform what is effectively an enlarged coalition into a genuinely united political party before the 2027 elections.
At the heart of the problem is the relationship between two broad political constituencies: the old APC structure and the politicians who entered the APC with Governor Yusuf after years within the NNPP and the Kwankwasiyya political movement.
The two groups now carry the same party membership cards, but political integration requires considerably more than a change of party identity.

Governor Yusuf’s entry into the APC was undoubtedly a major gain for the party in Kano. The move brought the governorship, legislators, local political structures and numerous supporters into the ruling party. The APC itself described the development as a major expansion of its political strength in the state.
However, the challenge facing the governor is not how to increase the size of the APC. It is how to prevent the enlarged party from becoming an organisation with two competing centres of loyalty.

For many old APC members, the arrival of a large number of former NNPP politicians may create fears that the structures they built over the years could be weakened or displaced. Conversely, politicians who followed the governor into APC may believe that their political relevance should reflect their role in the present administration.

If these perceptions are allowed to deepen, the disagreement may eventually move beyond appointments and political recognition and reach the grassroots.
That would be dangerous.
In Nigerian politics, a politician may appear powerful at the state level but still struggle at election time if he lacks a functioning ward and polling-unit organisation.

One of the most sensitive issues within the new APC structure is the distribution of political appointments.
There have been complaints in political circles that some old APC members do not feel adequately represented in government appointments, while supporters of the governor may argue that those who joined him in the new political arrangement deserve recognition.
Such complaints should be treated as political claims unless supported by verifiable appointment records. Nevertheless, political perceptions matter.

A party member who believes he has been excluded may gradually become disengaged. Another may begin organising quietly against the leadership. A third may eventually search for political accommodation elsewhere.

This is why the governor needs to recognise that political inclusion is not simply about giving people positions. It is about creating confidence that every important constituency has a place in the future of the party.

Kano has 44 local government areas, and the political importance of the grassroots cannot be overstated.
The structure that ultimately determines electoral strength runs from the state to the local government, ward, polling unit and voter.

This makes the activities of local government chairmen, councillors, ward leaders and other grassroots actors especially important.
Recent developments in Kano demonstrate why this deserves serious attention. In May 2026, a reconciliation effort established by Governor Yusuf over disagreements within the APC’s consensus arrangements encountered resistance in the Doguwa/Tudun-Wada axis, while stakeholders from across the state’s 44 local government areas reportedly raised grievances about the process.

The significance of that episode goes beyond Doguwa and Tudun-Wada. It raises a larger question: if the APC cannot successfully manage disagreements over internal arrangements now, how will it manage the far more difficult struggle over nominations and political offices as 2027 approaches?

The answer will depend largely on the quality of internal democracy and reconciliation.
The Kabo Warning Sign
Developments in Kabo Local Government Area provide another example of how national and state-level political realignments can produce tensions at the grassroots.

Reports have emerged that the Kabo local government chairman, Lawan Najume, dismissed the council secretary and four other appointees over alleged membership of a political support organisation associated with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Deputy Senate President Barau I. Jibrin.

The reported dismissals should, however, be treated carefully because the chairman had not publicly issued a formal explanation at the time of reporting, while the affected officials had not publicly responded to the allegations.
The broader political significance is nevertheless worth examining.

If political appointees can be removed because of perceived affiliation with a faction or support group, it raises questions about the boundaries between administrative loyalty, party loyalty and freedom of political association.
For Governor Yusuf, incidents of this nature should serve as an early warning that political tensions may exist beneath the surface even where public declarations of loyalty to the governor and APC appear strong.

Interestingly, Kabo’s chairman had previously publicly praised Governor Yusuf’s leadership and described his administration as supportive of local government development.
That contrast illustrates the complexity of Kano politics: public loyalty to a governor does not necessarily eliminate competition among different political networks.

The governor should therefore see grassroots disputes not merely as local disagreements but as indicators of the health of the wider political coalition.
Kwankwasiyya Has Not Simply Disappeared
Another mistake would be to assume that the movement associated with Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso disappeared when Governor Yusuf moved to APC.
Kwankwasiyya is more than a party label. Over the years, it has developed networks involving young people, political activists, former government officials and grassroots organisers.
Governor Yusuf’s departure from the NNPP therefore represented not merely an individual change of party but a major rearrangement of Kano’s political forces.
The political separation between Yusuf and his former mentor, Rabiu Kwankwaso, has also created a new dimension ahead of 2027. Kwankwaso subsequently joined the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), alongside Peter Obi, creating another political platform capable of attracting opposition forces.

This means APC Kano cannot afford to assume that all political loyalty formerly associated with the governor automatically transferred to the APC.
Political loyalty is often personal, local and fluid.
What Happens If the Governor Does Not Act?
If Governor Yusuf fails to address emerging grievances within the APC, three possible developments could follow.

First, some dissatisfied old APC members may remain inside the party but become politically inactive or work only minimally for the administration.
Second, dissatisfied groups could begin organising internal factions designed to challenge the governor’s preferred political arrangements.

Third, some influential politicians could eventually seek alternative political platforms if they conclude that they have no meaningful future inside the APC.
The third possibility is particularly significant because opposition forces will be watching carefully for any sign of division.
A divided APC would not necessarily lose Kano in 2027, but it would give opponents an opportunity that does not currently exist on the same scale.
Abba Yusuf Has a Historic Opportunity.

The governor nevertheless has an important advantage.
He can become the bridge between the old APC and the new political entrants.
The solution is not to punish one side for the political history of its members or to reward another side simply because it followed the governor.

Rather, the governor should establish a political framework based on competence, loyalty to the party, public acceptance and contribution to the grassroots.
The old APC members need reassurance that they have not been displaced.
The new APC members need reassurance that they will not be treated as political outsiders.
Both groups need to understand that 2027 cannot be won through factional calculations alone.
The governor’s earlier call for political appointees who had not yet joined APC to align with the party ahead of 2027 could become an opportunity for broader integration. But such integration must be more than membership registration. It must produce genuine political ownership.
Three Possible Futures for APC Kano.

The first and most favourable scenario is successful integration.
Under this arrangement, Governor Yusuf reconciles old APC members with the politicians who joined him, establishes a fair internal structure and builds a grassroots organisation that gives every major constituency a stake in the party.
If this happens, APC could enter 2027 as an exceptionally strong political machine.
The second scenario is an APC with two camps.
The party would remain formally united, but government supporters and old APC political blocs would operate independently. They might cooperate publicly while competing privately for influence, appointments and nominations.
This would be the most dangerous scenario because the party could discover on election day that its numerical strength did not translate into coordinated votes.
The third scenario is a broader political realignment.
If internal disagreements become too deep, some influential actors could seek alternative platforms. The emergence of Kwankwaso and other major political figures in the NDC means there is already another potential political centre seeking relevance ahead of 2027.
What Will Determine 2027?
Five issues are likely to determine the future of APC in Kano.
First is internal reconciliation. The governor must address grievances before they become permanent factions.
Second is fair political representation. Appointments and party responsibilities must be perceived as reasonably inclusive.
Third is internal democracy. Disputes over consensus arrangements and nominations must be managed transparently enough to prevent defeated aspirants from becoming opponents.
Fourth is grassroots organisation. The party must build functioning structures from local government to ward and polling-unit levels.
Fifth is leadership management. Governor Yusuf must maintain communication with old APC leaders, new entrants, legislators, local government chairmen, traditional stakeholders, youth organisations and other influential political actors.
The Final Test
The fundamental lesson from the current situation is simple: political integration on paper is not the same as political integration on the ground.
Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has created a potentially formidable APC coalition by moving from the NNPP to the ruling party. But the same development has also brought together politicians with different histories, loyalties and expectations.
His greatest political challenge before 2027 will therefore not be defeating the opposition alone. It will be preventing the APC from defeating itself.
If he succeeds in convincing old APC members that they still have a future, while giving former NNPP and Kwankwasiyya supporters a legitimate place within the new structure, he could transform the current political realignment into a durable electoral coalition.
If he fails to respond to the emerging internal grievances, however, what begins as disagreement over appointments, party structures or local political influence could develop into a wider internal crisis.
And in Kano politics, where grassroots networks matter enormously, an internal crisis left unresolved for too long can become an electoral crisis.
The coming months will therefore be decisive.
The real question is no longer whether Abba Yusuf has successfully joined the APC. He has.
The question is whether he can successfully unite the APC before the 2027 battle begins in earnest.

Bala Salihu Dawakin Kudu writes from the Democracy Newsline Newspaper base in Abuja can be reached 08060017934.

 

(DEMOCRACY NEWSLINE NEWSPAPER 13TH AUGUST, 2026)

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TAGGED: Analysis: APC’s Internal Crisis and the Future of Kano Politics Ahead of 2027.
Democracy Newsline August 13, 2026
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