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Democracy Newsline Newspaper > News > News > KANO APC’S 2027 TEST: CAN OLD RIVALRIES GIVE ABBA YUSUF A UNITED PARTY?
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KANO APC’S 2027 TEST: CAN OLD RIVALRIES GIVE ABBA YUSUF A UNITED PARTY?

Democracy Newsline
Last updated: 2026/09/21 at 8:48 AM
Democracy Newsline 1 hour ago
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KANO APC’S 2027 TEST: CAN OLD RIVALRIES GIVE ABBA YUSUF A UNITED PARTY?

By Bala Salihu Dawakin Kudu
Northern Bureau Chief
September 20, 2026

The political landscape in Kano State is entering another critical phase ahead of the 2027 general elections, with the All Progressives Congress (APC) facing the difficult task of transforming a broad coalition of politicians from different political backgrounds into a cohesive electoral machine.

At the centre of the debate is Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, whose return to the APC in January 2026 fundamentally altered the political equation in Kano.

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Yusuf did not enter the APC as an ordinary new member. He came into the party as a sitting governor, accompanied by 22 members of the Kano State House of Assembly and nine members of the House of Representatives. His defection transferred the governorship from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) to the APC and created an unusual political situation in which politicians who had previously been on opposite sides of Kano’s political divide suddenly found themselves under one party umbrella.

But while the numerical strength of the APC has increased, the more difficult question is whether the party can achieve the level of internal cohesion required for a successful 2027 campaign.

That question is becoming increasingly important among party stakeholders, particularly members of what is commonly described in Kano political circles as the “old APC” — politicians who were associated with the APC before Governor Yusuf and his political allies joined the party.

Interviews conducted for this feature with political actors who requested anonymity indicate that some members of the old APC remain uncertain about their political position under the new arrangement.

Their concern, according to the sources, is not necessarily Governor Yusuf’s membership of the APC itself, but whether the interests of the different political tendencies now operating within the party will receive equitable treatment.
Some of those interviewed alleged that a number of old APC members feel insufficiently represented in government appointments and political structures.

These allegations, however, could not be independently verified in their entirety, and they should therefore be understood as the views of the individuals interviewed rather than established facts.

The concerns nevertheless touch on a genuine political challenge: how does a party reconcile politicians who spent years fighting against one another when electoral circumstances suddenly require them to work together?
Governor Yusuf’s political transition has already produced some significant appointments from the old APC establishment.

One of the clearest examples is the appointment of Alhaji Murtala Sule Garo as deputy governor. Garo previously served as Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs under former Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje and was the APC’s deputy governorship candidate in the 2023 election. He was sworn in as deputy governor on May 5, 2026, following the resignation of Aminu Abdulsalam.

The appointment was significant because it brought a prominent figure from the former APC political structure directly into the Yusuf administration.
It therefore complicates the argument that the administration has completely excluded politicians associated with the old APC.

Another major issue in the political conversation is the continuing debate over Governor Yusuf’s relationship with former Kano Governor and NNPP leader Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.
Yusuf’s political history is closely associated with the Kwankwasiyya movement. He served as Commissioner for Works under the administration of Kwankwaso and later became the NNPP candidate who won the 2023 governorship election.

His decision to leave the NNPP and join the APC consequently generated considerable political debate.
Channels Television reported that Yusuf’s defection followed months of political tension and speculation surrounding his relationship with Kwankwaso.

There have also been conflicting claims concerning the extent to which Kwankwaso was involved in or supported the political discussions preceding Yusuf’s movement into the APC. Government officials and political actors have made different claims on the issue, while Kwankwaso’s camp has previously rejected reports suggesting that he endorsed Yusuf’s move.
This explains why the symbolism surrounding Governor Yusuf’s political identity continues to attract attention.

For some old APC politicians, the question is whether Yusuf’s entry into the APC represents a permanent political realignment or simply a new stage in a much longer political relationship.
That remains a political question rather than an established fact.

The red cap associated with the Kwankwasiyya movement has also become part of the political debate.
Some old APC supporters interviewed for this feature argue that Governor Yusuf’s continued association with symbols historically identified with Kwankwasiyya creates uncertainty among some APC members.

Others may regard such symbolism simply as part of the governor’s established political identity and personal political history.
Ultimately, symbols do not necessarily determine electoral behaviour. What matters politically is whether party members believe that they have a stake in the administration and whether the various tendencies within the APC can work together.

The debate extends beyond the Government House to the 44 local government areas of Kano State.
Some party stakeholders interviewed alleged that there are disagreements between political actors over the management of local government affairs, resources and patronage.
Claims have also circulated concerning the relationship between the state government and local government administrations. Such allegations require documentary evidence and responses from the relevant authorities before they can be treated as established facts.
The political importance of the local governments, however, cannot be ignored.

Kano’s electoral politics has traditionally depended heavily on grassroots structures. Ward leaders, councillors, local government chairmen, community influencers, youth groups and women’s organisations can all play important roles in mobilisation.
Consequently, disagreements at the local-government level can eventually become a wider party problem if they are not addressed.

There is also an emerging debate over competing political tendencies within Kano APC, particularly in areas where supporters of Deputy Senate President Senator Barau I. Jibrin and those associated with Engr. Abba Bichi have developed different political alignments.

Political discussions around Kunchi, Makoda, Dambatta and other parts of Kano North illustrate the complexity of managing competing interests within the same party.
Similar concerns have been raised in parts of Kano Central, including Kano Municipal, Nassarawa, Tarauni and Dala.
In Kano South, political actors are also watching developments across constituencies including Ajingi, Gaya, Albasu, Doguwa, Tudun Wada, Kura, Madobi and Garun Malam.
These examples should not automatically be interpreted as evidence of an inevitable party split. Rather, they demonstrate the scale of political interests that APC leaders must coordinate before the 2027 campaign reaches its decisive stage.

The central issue is therefore not simply whether Governor Abba Yusuf has enough supporters.
The bigger question is whether the APC can convert its expanded political family into a united electoral structure.

Governor Yusuf’s return to the APC has already produced a major political realignment. The Kano APC leadership has subsequently publicly endorsed Yusuf as its governorship candidate for 2027, while also adopting President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as its preferred presidential candidate at a May 2026 stakeholders’ meeting.

The official position of the party is therefore clear: Governor Yusuf is being presented as the APC’s candidate for the Kano governorship in 2027.
But official endorsement and grassroots cohesion are not necessarily the same thing.
A party may have a recognised candidate and still face internal disagreements over appointments, representation, campaign structures, local-government influence and the distribution of political responsibilities.

That is why reconciliation could become one of the most important political tasks facing the Kano APC leadership before the 2027 election.

Some members of the old APC who spoke to Democracy Newsline argued that Governor Yusuf should pay greater attention to politicians who have been with the APC through previous electoral battles.
Their argument is straightforward: politicians who previously controlled the APC’s grassroots machinery believe they possess political structures that can contribute significantly to the governor’s campaign.

The politicians who joined the APC with Governor Yusuf may also argue that they delivered the current political realignment and therefore deserve meaningful participation in the party’s future.
The challenge, consequently, is not simply about old APC versus new APC.

It is about creating a political arrangement in which neither side feels that it has been absorbed merely to provide electoral numbers.

Perhaps the most serious concern raised by some of the people interviewed is the possibility of internal sabotage during the election.
Some individuals who spoke on condition of anonymity claimed that certain political actors could support the APC publicly while working against particular candidates privately.

Nevertheless, “anti-party” politics is a familiar problem in Nigerian elections. It often emerges when party members believe that their interests have been ignored, when candidates feel marginalised or when rival political networks remain stronger than the formal party structure.

For the APC in Kano, preventing such a situation would require more than public declarations of unity.
It would require continuous consultation, reconciliation and credible mechanisms for resolving disagreements.
The APC’s situation in Kano is therefore more complicated than the simple question of whether Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf will contest the 2027 election.

He is already officially recognised by the Kano APC leadership as the party’s governorship candidate.
The more consequential question is whether the various political constituencies inside the APC can operate as one electoral organisation.
Governor Yusuf’s return has brought together people who, only recently, occupied opposing political camps.
Former APC politicians, former NNPP politicians, Kwankwasiyya figures, Gandujiyya loyalists, supporters of Senator Barau Jibrin, supporters of other political leaders, elected officials and grassroots party structures now have to share one political platform.

That is both the APC’s greatest opportunity and one of its most difficult organisational challenges.
The 2027 election is still ahead, and political alliances can change significantly before voters go to the polls. It would therefore be premature to conclude that internal disagreements will determine the outcome.
What can be said with greater certainty is that unity, inclusion, grassroots organisation and trust will be central issues for the Kano APC as it prepares for 2027.

If the party succeeds in managing its competing interests, its enlarged political coalition could become a significant organisational asset.
If grievances remain unresolved, however, the same coalition could become a source of internal friction.
For Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and the APC leadership, the political task is clear: bringing people into the same party is one thing; persuading them to work together is another.
And in Kano’s intensely competitive political environment, the difference between the two could become one of the defining stories of the 2027 election cycle.

I deliberately treated the claims about withholding local-government funds, excluding former APC members from benefits, unpaid former SAs/SSAs, land allocations, motorcycles, and alleged plans for “anti-party” activity as allegations rather than facts, because I could not independently substantiate them from reliable sources. I also incorporated the documented appointment of Murtala Garo and the APC’s formal endorsement of Yusuf, which provide important counterweight to the original draft.
Bala Salihu Dawakin Kudu can be reach via 08060017934

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TAGGED: KANO APC’S 2027 TEST: CAN OLD RIVALRIES GIVE ABBA YUSUF A UNITED PARTY?
Democracy Newsline September 21, 2026
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